Determinants of urban bushmeat consumption in Río Muni, Equatorial Guinea
Introduction
There is growing concern that bushmeat consumption is at unsustainable levels, particularly in West/Central Africa (Bowen-Jones, 1998, Fa et al., 2003, Milner-Gulland and Bennett, 2003). Urban bushmeat consumption is a particular focus of policy concern, and there have been frequent calls for action to control the commercial trade in bushmeat (e.g., AZAA, 1998). Commonly, subsistence hunting is thought of as crucial to the food security of the rural poor (Ntiamoa-Baidu, 1998), whilst commercial hunting is perceived to be predominately to supply a luxury market (Asibey and Child, 1991). Neither of these assumptions is necessarily correct. For example, de Merode et al. (2004) show that bushmeat is more important as a source of cash income than food for rural poor people in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Cowlishaw et al. (2005) show that the bushmeat commodity chain in an urban market in Ghana involves a wide range of actors. It seems likely that the urban bushmeat trade is an important component of livelihoods for many of those involved.
The role of bushmeat in the diets of urban people and the effect of wealth on consumption choices have not been well studied. However, it is important to understand consumer behaviour, both in order to predict the effect of changes in the profile of urban consumers on the sustainability of the bushmeat trade, and in order to understand the effects of policies on potentially vulnerable consumers. In particular, as African populations become more urbanised and as urban incomes increase, there are likely to be changes in consumption patterns. The direction and magnitude of these changes depend particularly on the income elasticity of demand. Comprehensive published studies of the elasticity of bushmeat consumption to prices and income are largely from rural areas of South America (Apaza et al., 2002, Wilkie and Godoy, 2001), with limited relevance to urban consumers in West and Central Africa. However, Wilkie et al. (2005) recently carried out a cross-sectional study of the role of prices and wealth in consumer demand for bushmeat in Gabon. They found that consumption of bushmeat, fish, chicken and livestock all increased with wealth (suggesting a positive income elasticity of demand) and that higher prices of these foods were associated with lower consumption (suggesting a negative own-price elasticity of demand).
Empirical studies of the role of preference in determining consumption patterns are scant. Anstey (1991) described changing consumption patterns and preferences for bushmeat in Liberia: preference for bushmeat in general decreased as consumption frequency decreased, as did preference for individual species as they became rarer. These results suggest that preferences are not static but linked to consumption frequency, which in turn may be linked to price or availability. Fa et al. (2002) found distinct differences in the preferences for different bushmeat species between the Fang and Bubi ethnic groups on Bioko Island, Equatorial Guinea. There was a lack of correspondence between preferred and consumed meats for the Fang, which the authors attributed to the fact that the Fang, having originated from the mainland, have historically been exposed to many more species, and therefore retain preferences for foods they no longer consume. For the Bubi, preference and consumption for bushmeat species were linked to price and availability, as they generally could only afford the cheaper and widely available bushmeat species. However, preferences for bushmeat substitutes such as fish and domestic meats must also be considered if we are to draw wider conclusions as to how conservation policies targetting bushmeat will affect consumer behaviour.
In this study, we analyse the consumption and preferences of consumers in the city of Bata, Río Muni, Equatorial Guinea. Bata is a particularly interesting location for such a study, because it is starting to experience a boom in income and population, caused by an emerging oil industry (Pigeonniere, 2001). The official monthly minimum wage has increased dramatically from 25,000 CFA (US $46) in 2000 to 97,000 CFA (US $177) in 2003 (J. Ferreiro Villarino, pers. comm.), representing an inflation-adjusted increase of 219% (IMF, 2005). The country is attracting much foreign investment (Equatorial Guinea recently received the 4th largest investment from the USA in sub-Saharan Africa, EIA, 2003). However this economic improvement has yet to reach the majority of the population, with unemployment estimated at 30% and international debt at $290 million (CIA, 2002). The city of Bata has expanded rapidly in the last few years, with a population of 78,684 recorded in the 1994 National Census and 132,235 in the 2001 National Census.
The bushmeat trade in Equatorial Guinea is little known, particularly in Rio Muni (but see Fa et al., 2004). However, the trade is prevalent (Bowen-Jones, 1998) and likely to be at least locally unsustainable (Bakarr et al., 2001, Fa and Garcia Yuste, 2001, Fa et al., 1995). There are still extensive tracts of forest in the country, sheltering relatively rich wildlife populations, including great apes (Garcia and Mba, 1997, N. Kümpel, pers. obs.). The bushmeat trade is in theory regulated by official protection of particular species, but in practice laws are not enforced, and the trade is completely open regardless of a species’ legal status.
Our aim in this study is to assess the relationships between consumption of different types of meat and fish, income, preferences, price and availability of these products. We carried out surveys of consumers in households, markets and restaurants in Bata, in order to get a detailed understanding of the different components of bushmeat consumption. By comparing bushmeat consumption and preferences to those for other commodities, we place it within the context of available substitutes. This allows us to predict the likely future trend in bushmeat consumption and suggest policy responses.
Section snippets
Methods
The study assessed factors associated with meat and fish consumption for two groups; an opportunistic sample of meat purchasers in Bata’s Central Market and a stratified systematic sample of households. A non-random sample of restaurateurs and their clients was also interviewed. A survey of meat and fish on sale in the Central Market provided information on availability and price. Data collection was carried out from May to July 2003. Availability and price of all fresh and frozen food types is
General consumer characteristics
Meat and fish are important components of the Equatoguinean diet. Only one of the 100 households interviewed claimed not to eat meat or fish every day. In the 24-h food recall, 5/100 households did not eat meat or fish the day before. The vast majority (96%) of the meat and fish consumed the day before was bought: 52% in one of the two main markets (33% in the Central Market and 19% in Mundoasi Market), 19% on the beach (fresh fish), 19% in local shops and 10% in supermarkets. The source of
Discussion
Bata’s consumers have a strong preference for fresh meat and fish over frozen produce, but on cost grounds they most often eat frozen foods. The degree to which they are able to satisfy their preferences is significantly related to their income. In this city, it seems that frozen produce is an inferior good, with a negative income elasticity, while fresh produce, including bushmeat, is a normal good. Other studies of bushmeat consumption have not observed widespread use of frozen foods as a
Acknowledgements
We thank the Ministry of Forestry, Fishing, and Environment, Equatorial Guinea, CUREF and ECOFAC for supporting our research. We are particularly grateful to Michael Allen (Director, ECOFAC – Equatorial Guinea) and Guy Cowlishaw for their help and advice. We are very grateful to Cristina Ojoba Isambo and Rigoberto Esono Anvene for their assistance and for sharing their knowledge with us. The study was funded by the UK Natural Environment and Economic and Social Research Councils, with financial
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